POST-COUP
FIJI GOES TO THE POLLS AMID UNCERTAINTY

Fiji goes to the polls from May 6-13 as political uncertainty over the South Pacific nation’s future remains. The uncertainty is largely caused by the fallout between the Fiji Military Forces and the Soqosoqo ni Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL) Government and lack of progress by the SDL to "accommodate" ethnic diversity. So far SDL has paid lip-service to multiracial democracy.

By SANJAY RAMESH

Feedback to the Toktok page

FIJI goes to the polls from May 6-13 as political uncertainty over the South Pacific nation’s future remains.

The uncertainty is largely caused by the fallout between the Fiji Military Forces and the Soqosoqo ni Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL) Government and lack of progress as well as initiative by the SDL to "accommodate" ethnic diversity within an effective multicultural party policy.

So far SDL has paid lip-service to multiracial democracy and does not have any policy balance on majority-minority aspirations.

However, there is a notable exception, the National Alliance Party of Fiji, United Peoples’ Party, Party of National Unity and the Fiji Labour Party and the National Federation Party, have adopted policies that integrates conflicting aspirations of Fiji’s diverse communities.

On 12 January 2006, there was an attempted mutiny by a small group of senior officers, who were unhappy with the ongoing tensions between the Government and the army since the elections of August 2001.The Fiji Military Forces have continuously expressed concern over the manner in which the government intervened following the coup-related convictions of SDL supporters and government ministers. Concerned that many of its supporters may end in prison, the Government announced in June 2005 the Racial Tolerance and Unity Bill (RTU), which provided above all an "amnesty" to individuals implicated in the coup of May 2000.

Allegations of vote buying
Fiji’s Police Commissioner, Andrew Hughes, stated that over 2,000 people have been interviewed by investigators in relation to the coup related offences (Fiji Village News, 6 Jan, 06) and that seven individuals, six companies and one organisation are implicated in allegations that they were financiers of the 19 May takeover. Fiji Police are involved in two sets of investigations- one dealing with the illegal takeover of the government and the other involves pre- 2001 election agricultural scam, where farm equipments were distributed to indigenous Fijians.

An audit of the agricultural program in 2001 revealed discrepancy of more than $16 million and as a result, the program was suspended by Ministry of Finance. A letter dated 8 August 2001 to Interim Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase by Energy Minister Joketani Cokanisiga expressed disappointment at the suspension of the agricultural scheme (Fiji Sun, 20 Jan, 06). According to the Fiji Labour Party (FLP), the agricultural scam was deliberate and aimed at "buying votes" for the newly established SDL.

Fiji Labour Party Deputy Leader, Poseci Bune, on 23 November 2005 accused the SDL of yet another agricultural scheme type scandal. According to Bune, Safeway Marine and Rabitech, a company based in Lami, was contracted by the Ministry of Fisheries to build 90 fibre glass boats and distributed before August 2006 (Fiji Times, 24 Nov, 05). The Government rejected the notion that the boat scheme was another "vote buying" strategy by the SDL. However, Prime Minister Qarase did admit on 23 November that he paid a relative to secure a boat as part of the Ministry of Fisheries Affirmative Action program for indigenous Fijians.

2006 started with speculation that the ongoing tension between the army and Government could lead to an early poll. This would be the eight general election following independence from Great Britain on 10 October 1970. Two of these elections ( 1987 and 1999) resulted in multiethnic governments, which prompted indigenous nationalists to engineer a coup so that indigenous Fijians had total monopoly on political power.

Preparing for Elections

Following August 2001 elections, Fiji was back to the good old days of post 1987 coup, where indigenous Fijians exclusively formed government and Indo-Fijians were relegated to the opposition bench.

The indigenous Fijian SDL party was formed to achieve two political ends: one to implement affirmative action programs for indigenous Fijians as a form of "appeasement" of indigenous nationalists, and second to ensure that Fiji Labour Party and Indo-Fijians did not win government. Unlike the 2001 general elections, the 2006 elections saw the rise of the multiracial National Alliance Party of Fiji (NAPF).

The NAPF party, led by former military commander, Ratu Epeli Ganilau, challenged the affirmative action policies of the SDL and provided following policy options:

* Expanding the economy and attracting investment to to fully develop natural resources
* Restoring dignity and self esteem through employment creation
* Improving living condition
* Providing citizens with opportunities, prospects and employment
* Eradicating poverty
* Providing affirmative action on the basis of need
* Improving race relations and eradicating racism
* Removing all forms of unfair discrimination
* Ensuring equality before the law (Fiji Sun, 2 Feb, 06)

Furthermore, NAPF has made education an important element in their election campaign. NAPF believes that education is a basic human right as opposed to SDL that discriminates against minority communities by providing disproportionately larger share of education resources to indigenous Fijians only. NAPF, unlike SDL, aims to establish a functional public education system where the state will be responsible for minimum standards for school buildings and teaching facilities. Unlike any other political party in Fiji, NAPF will actively promote and finance cultural education, including teaching of vernacular languages.

Soqosoqo ni Duavata ni Lewenivanua
The SDL party was formed by chiefs, members of the Interim Government and influential players from the indigenous business circles that wanted an exclusive indigenous government. The SDL’s achievement was the Social Justice Act, which was enacted by the Parliament of Fiji on 21 December 2001. Since then the Act has come under criticism from various quarters both within and outside Fiji (20 – Year Development Plan (2001 – 2020) For The Enhancement Of Participation Of

Indigenous Fijians And Rotumans In The Socio – Economic Development Of Fiji, Parliamentary Paper No. 73, 2002, Ministry of Finance and National Planning, Suva, Fiji, pp. 1-216)

The Government of Fiji published a report on the affirmative programs for indigenous Fijians and Rotumans and it states that:" it is also a reality, given the ethnic divisions in Fiji's society, that affirmative action involves issues of race. These cannot and should not be overlooked. Fiji will only resolve its racial differences by dealing with them honestly and openly and removing the inequities and inequalities, which cause social and political tensions. This does not mean that the policies enacted to achieve this are racist. They should be seen in the wider context of development to improve the standards of living of all disadvantaged groups."

Obviously the SDL is interested only in providing social justice to indigenous Fijians. On one hand it is implementing social justice for indigenous Fijians while perpetrating social injustice against other communities, including Indo-Fijians. Currently, there are 29 affirmative action programs for indigenous Fijians and Rotumans and out of these 19 are supposed to benefit members of minority communities. 2 of these are of any benefit to the Indo-Fijian community.

While the government has used UN Declaration on Indigenous Peoples, and Human and Political Rights Conventions to justify it’s position. It has conveniently left Declaration on the Rights of Persons belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities, adopted by the General Assembly Resolution 47/135 of 18 December, 1992. The Declaration among other things disallows state policies that deprive minorities of preserving and promoting their own identity and culture.

The problem is that the SDL’s very own policy on affirmative action disproportionately under-funds programs of other minority communities because the identified programs for indigenous Fijians and Rotumans are given budgetary priority. In areas such as education, the affirmative action outcomes are not transparent at all and this has an impact on governance and transparency of political process.

On 17 February 2006, the Conservative Alliance Matanitu Vanua (CAMV) formally amalgamated with SDL and in its new look manifesto, the party declared that it was a multiracial party (Fiji Sun, 21 Mar, 06). However, the party policy remained firmly geared towards affirmative action for indigenous Fijians. Among a list of achievements, the SDL took credit for:

* Removing Value Added Tax form basic consumer items
* Reduction of bus fares for senior citizens
* Removal of import duty from outboard motors
* Increases in funding for destitute and needy
* Implementing price control on basic consumer items
* Farming assistance scheme for rural dwellers
* Tuition fees assistance for Forms 5, 6 and 7
* Multiethnic scholarships for Indian and minority community

SDL moved to quickly invite aspiring Indo-Fijian candidates for the May elections. However, it faced dissension among its ranks in Rewa, Kadavu and Tailevu provinces. Dissident members of the CAMV formed their own Coalition of Independent Conservatives (COIC) as expression of unhappiness over the decision to dissolve CAMV.

Fiji Labour Party
Fiji Labour Party (FLP) remains a formidable political force in Fiji politics. After being held hostage for 56 days, party leader and former Prime Minister, Mahendra Chaudhry, remained steadfast in his resolve to fight for the "dignity" of Indo-Fijians.

For the past five years since the August 2001 election, Chaudhry has taken the SDL to task at every possible opportunity. Clearly SDL erred in its judgment when it failed to honour Section 99 of the 1997 Constitution that calls for a multiparty government based on participation in cabinet of parties with ten per cent or more seats in the House of Representatives. After a lengthy court battle, the SDL gave FLP only token positions, citing incompatibility between the policies of the two parties as a major reason.

Next, the Fiji Labour Party rejected SDL proposal for bringing sugar leases under the Native Land Trust Act (NLTA) and boycotted Parliamentary Committee on Sugar, following the release of the Racial Tolerance and Unity Bill (RTU) (The Sunday Times, 15 May, 05). The Fiji Labour Party became the ally of the Fiji Military in vigorously opposing the Bill and Chaudhry vowed that the "Bill will not see the light of day" (Fijilive, 11 Jul, 05).

Labour released its election manifesto in Nadi on 8 April and made the following promises.

* Fight corruption
* Institute good governance
* Restore confidence in the economy
* Poverty alleviation
* Agricultural expansion and sustainable development of natural resources
* Employment creation
* Investment in technical and vocational education
* Dismantle monopolies to encourage competition
* Control bank fees and charges
* Revitalise sugar and garment industries
* Invest in infrastructure
* A national health scheme
* Fee free education to all Form 7 students
* Enact Freedom of Information
* Resource Fiji Police in fighting crime
* Special funds for landowners to participate in land development.)


Fiji Labour Party has teamed up with United Peoples’ Party (UPP) and the Party of National Unity (PANU). UPP Party President Mick Beddoes has been as vocal as FLP leader Mahendra Chaudhry in criticising the failures of SDL and PANU leader Ponepate Lesavua was instrumental in the Senate for the past five years. The most important development was the ability of PANU to co-opt Peoples’ National Party (PNP) into its party structure.

PNP was part of the grand indigenous coalition spearheaded by veteran politician Tomasi Vakatora and former Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka, whose party was only able to field one candidate due to robbery at their Suva office.

The other major political force is the National Federation Party.

National Federation Party
Preferences from the National Federation Party (NFP) in the 2001 general elections gave advantage to the SDL in a number of the 25 open seats. However, this time around, the National Federation Party, led by party leader Pramod Rae, decided to give second preference to independent candidates and National Alliance in some seats and gave second preference to FLP in all open seats in the sugar cane farming areas as well as gave second preference to FLP partner PANU in Ba West and Ba East Fijian Communal Seats (Fiji Village News, 18 Apr, 06)

In total, NFP ranked FLP higher than SDL in the 19 communal seats and in 17 of the 25 open constituencies (Fijilive, 21 Apr, 06). SDL leader Laisenia Qarase expressed concern over this arrangement and stated that both the FLP and the NFP were out to outs SDL from power. Qarase earlier in the election campaign argued that an Indo-Fijian leader could not effectively address indigenous concerns. Furthermore, the SDL made two greatest mistakes in this election campaign. First, it remained silent over the RTU Bill and second, instead of fighting the election on the strength of its policy, it focused entirely on personality.

SDL party remains obsessed with Mahendra Chaudhry and his Deputy Poseci Bune. SDL campaign manager, Jale Baba has made repeated predictions that Chaudhry will lose his Ba Open seat. In fact, SDL is fielding two candidates, Jale Baba and Faiaaz Ali, against Chaudhry and in Labasa Open, three SDL candidates, Sailosi Lutua, Timoci Bulitavu and Iliesa Seru are standing against Poseci Bune. Such a strategy clearly demonstrates that SDL is obsessed with certain individuals. Furthermore, SDL campaign stalwarts have warned indigenous Fijians that they risk losing political leadership of the country to Indo-Fijians if they do not vote for SDL.

NFP saw such tactics by the SDL as counterproductive and are still concerned that despite giving preference to SDL ahead of FLP in 2001 elections, the NFP was not considered for any cabinet position.

What is interesting about the 2006 election is the emergence of any army of independent candidates. These candidates may very well hold the balance of power in post election Fiji. There are 68 independent candidates contesting the 2006 general elections. 14 independent candidates in the North are giving preferences to each other and joined smaller parties like Coalition of Independent Nationals (COIN).

Conclusion
There are 338 candidates standing for the 2006 general elections. The highest number of candidates belongs to SDL, which is contesting 48 communal and 32 open seats. FLP has a total of 59 candidates with 35 contesting communal and 24 open seats. National Alliance Party of Fiji is fielding 50 candidates and National Federation Party 45. UPP has 10 candidates and PANU is contesting three communal and six open seats.

* Sanjay Ramesh is a frequent commentator on political issues in Fiji.